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Iranian
Religions: Zoroastrianism Avesta
in Western Iran Since Macedonian Conquest
By Dr. Oric Basirov Paper 10 - 6th January 1999
INTRODUCTION It
was stated in the last lecture that the Avesta arrived in Western Iran as an
oral composition, and continued to be recited in its original Eastern Iranian
language which was not fully understood in the West. It was also maintained
that, not only these two features remained unaltered during the Achaemenian era
and beyond, but because of the unfamiliarity of the western clergy with the
sacred language, no significant additions were ever made to the holy texts. The
transmission of the Avesta in Western Iran, therefore, continued as before in
Eastern Iran, from generation to generation by word of mouth only, without any
material alteration to the texts. This lecture intends to study the long history
of that transmission from the end of the Achaemenian Empire to the present day,
and to examine the many claims for the existence of a written Avesta before the
Sasanian times. This lecture shall also maintain that the holy texts were not
materially altered in Western Iran.
THE
IMPACT OF THE MACEDONIAN INVASION The
Pahlavi tradition maintains that, as early as the Achaemenian era, the Avesta
and the "Zand" (its interpretation in presumably the then current
language) were written on oxhides (in an unspecified alphabet), and kept in the
imperial archives in Istakhr. These oxhides, it is then claimed, were burnt by
Alexander the Damned (a.k.a. the Great; Arda Wiraz Namag, I.7 & 8).
Unfortunately, none of this can be independently verified, and it seems likely
that the tradition is an anachronistic allusion to the 7th century mass
destruction of the Sasanian holy city of Istakhr (which did house the imperial
archives), and the barbaric wholesale slaughter of its population by the Arab
commander, Hajjaj ibn-i Yusef (Many believe the AWN was written after the Arab
conquest, and that any mention of that calamity was deliberately left out by the
author in order to present it a Sasanian work). Nonetheless, the Macedonian invasion probably brought about
the disintegration of the Zoroastrian clerical structure and the destruction of
the centres of its spiritual authority. According to the Zoroastrian tradition a
systematic and large-scale massacre of the magi took place, possibly because of
their apparent reluctance to co-operate with the infidel invader. Alexander's
chroniclers, however, report neither the slaughter of the clergy, nor their
supposed opposition to the Macedonians, and nor even for that matter, an
encounter between him and the magi. On the other hand, they do not relate either
any reverence shown by him towards the Iranian religion. This seems out of
character, especially in view of the frequent reports of his acts of extreme
generosity towards the clergy and the religion of other conquered peoples. He
was reported as being "most careful of religion" and making great
benefactions to the temples and the priests in India, Issus, Tyre, Babylon and
especially in Egypt (Arrian, VII.28.1). A
possible explanation for this apparent contradiction can be sought in the fact
that while he entered all those places as a self-appointed liberator, to Iran
alone he came as an avenging conqueror (Nonetheless, it is difficult to
understand his chroniclers' silence on this subject, especially as they give the
full account of an isolated massacre of the clergy in India. [Arrian VI.16.5.,
Diodorus XVII.102., Plutarch, Alexander,
59.46.,4., and Boyce, A History of
Zoroastrianism, III, p.15, n64.]. It is possible, however, that by
"India", the classical writers here, are actually referring to Persia,
as there are other examples of similar mistake; e.g., Strabo, Geography,
XV.i.62). It is only from the Zoroastrian sources that we learn about the
mass-slaughter of the magi (GBd.XXXIII.14; see also Boyce, op. cit. p.14, n.62),
and it seems reasonable to assume that some priests were indeed massacred (Many
scholars accept this; see Boyce, op. cit. pp.12-15). The
magi were principal instruments of religious learning, and in an oral tradition
the interruption of the transmission for a single generation meant, obviously,
total oblivion. The unbridgeable gap caused by the slaughter of the clergy, must
eventually have led to a partial loss of the tradition in many parts of Western
Iran. The destruction, however, was not total; according to a badly preserved
Pahlavi text, fractions of the Zoroastrian religious oral tradition survived in
Sistan (Jamasp-Asana, J.M., the text contained in codex MK., Bombay (1913), see
also Boyce, op. cit., p.16 & n.69. and Baily, H., Zoroastrian
Problems in the ninth-century books, Ratanbai Katrak Lectures, Oxford
(1943), reprinted (1971).). According to this text, Sistan was the only place
where the religious tradition survived the Macedonian onslaught. This statement
may well be an exaggeration inspired by local pride, because this particular
text may have originated in that part of Iran. The possibility of the survival
of part of the tradition elsewhere can not be ruled out, since it is unlikely
that all priests would have been killed. Indeed, Raga in greater Media, and
Persis in southern Persia seem to have retained their positions as great
religious centres even after the Macedonian invasion, and Atropatene in lesser
Media, apparently was not even affected by it (As it was ruled by the
Zoroastrian Atropatids dynasty; Boyce, op. cit., p.81). In fact it would be
reasonable to assume that liturgical texts, such as the Yasna, the Yashts, and
prayers, which were recited by the whole priesthood, must have survived in all
of Iran. Only non-liturgical texts such as those belonging to the learned
tradition may have been in jeopardy after the invasion. Indeed not only large
parts of the Avestan tradition did evidently survive the Macedonian conquest,
but also the composition of their commentaries in the living vernaculars seems
to have continued throughout the course of the evolution of the Old Persian
language to the Middle Persian stage.
THE
PARTHIAN PERIOD The
credit for the first serious attempt to collect these traditions systematically,
is given in the Pahlavi literature to the Parthian emperor, Vologeses I (VALAXSH
51-76/80 A.D [Darmesteter, SBE4. XXXII to XXXV; Wiesehöfer, J., Ancient
Persia, Tauris, London (1996), pp.95 & 314]). Such systematic collection
clearly denotes a desire to preserve, and it seems likely that this involved
writing. This claim, although not independently corroborated, cannot be
completely ruled out, but, if a written down Parthian Avesta ever existed, it
must have been, at least philologically, insignificant. On the other hand, a
dire need for a written religious book in later Parthian period has to be
recognised. During the two hundred years after the reign of Vologeses, many
strong factors may have motivated the creation a written religious literature.
Probably the most effective amongst them were the growing pressure, first from
the Christians, and later from the Manichaeans.
THE
IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY AND MANICHAEISM These
two religions were controlled by an increasingly powerful and efficiently
organised priestly hierarchies who zealously preached and often successfully
carried out proselytisation which, as far as it is known, was no longer
practised by the Zoroastrians. One of the most potent weapons in the hands of
the Christians and the Manichaeans must have been their "written"
religions supported by tangible holy-scriptures. A belief in greater
trustworthiness of written tradition and the pride in the concept of "the
People of the Book", which later became so much in evidence in Islam, was
probably used as strong arguments against the unwritten tradition of the
Zoroastrian religion. The simplicity and mass appeal of "written"
religions must have won enough converts to make the Zoroastrian clergy review
the inviolability of their oral tradition which had survived intact from a time
long before the days of the Prophet. The
earliest version of the redaction in which The
Vendidad has survived, for example is assigned by some to the Parthian era (Darmesteter,
op. cit., XXXVII, Boyce, HZI. p.95, see also Boyce, HZIII. p.68, n78, where she
suggests an earlier origin, and the possibility of a minor Hellenistic
influence).
THE
SASANIAN PERIOD Eventually,
the whole of the surviving texts of the Avesta was committed to writing. It is
widely believed that, initially, it must have been written down in the Pahlavi
alphabet. The use of this alphabet, however, did not prove satisfactory for
Avestan. The interpretations (Exegeses) of the Avesta were not naturally
composed in the Avestan language (why), but in the then current vernacular(s).
The only extant version of these is in Pahlavi, and is known as "the
Pahlavi Zand". Under
later Sasanians a special alphabet, based on the current form of Pahlavi script,
but also based on Greek from a typological point of view, was devised, possibly
under Chosroes I, and the Avesta was written down in this alphabet. A late
Sasanian account relating the transmission of the Avesta seems to confirm this.
According to this source the texts were written down during the reigns of an
Achaemenian emperor, (Daray son of Daray?), a Parthian emperor, Vologeses, and
four Sasanian emperors, (Ardashir I, Shabuhr I, Shabuhr II, and Chosroes I,
“Denkerd, book IV; see also Boyce, Textual Sources, p.114”).
WESTERN
IRANIAN ELEMENTS IN THE AVESTA The
basic assumption so far, that the Avesta could not have gone through significant
alterations in the West, is questioned by some, who point out to a number of
western elements contained in the holy texts. Some of these western elements,
which clearly belong to the pre-Macedonian period, have already been dealt with
in the last lecture (e.g., the syncretism of a number of eastern and western
deities, and the supposed absorbtion of the western tradition of the Great Flood
into Yima's Var). Others relate to later periods. There
are, for example, several passages in the Vendidad,
which are perceived by some to refer to known historical events which took place
during the Sasanian period (Darmesteter, op. cit., pp.xxxix-xli). Chapter l8
verse l0 seems to describe the exact method of Mani's execution "being
flayed alive and decapitated ..". Chapter 4 verses 47‑49 confirms in very
clear terms the superiority of a rich man who has a wife and who eats meat over
the one who has chosen poverty, idleness, celibacy and vegetarianism. This could
be a reference to Mani's celebrated "three seals" with which he sealed
his disciples hands, reproductive organs and mouths. The
Manichaean heresy, however, arose in the 3rd century AD, by which time, Avestan
had been used in Western Iran, for over a thousand years, as a sacred language
only. Clearly any significant addition to the Vendidad
at this stage could hardly have been possible. It is likely, therefore, that
these passages are not referring to Mani at all. Mani's method of execution does
not seem to have been uncommon in Iran (Kent, R.G., Old
Persian, (1953), DB2, 70-78, p.124; Plutarch, Artaxerxes,
"execution of Masbates”). Ascetism, moreover, was not Mani's monopoly,
Hindus and even some Zoroastrians practised it within the Persian Empire. It is
also possible that, what was said of Mani, was influenced by the Vendidad. ISLAMIC
PERIOD By
the beginning of the 9th century, Islam had taken root and the Zoroastrian
community had dwindled to the position of minority; it became progressively
difficult to employ people to memorise the sacred texts, they had to be written
down. Moreover, writing down the holy texts was a last desperate effort to
present the Zoroastrians as "people of the book and prophet". The
last remnants of an active Zoroastrian clergy in Iran made perhaps a final
attempt in that century to collect what was left of Zoroastrian literature. The
credit for this heroic achievement is given mainly to a remarkable priestly
family who for 150 years from the time the caliph Mamun (813-833) held the
office of Hudenan Pešoay of Pars. They were: i) Adurfarnbag
Farroxzadan, …followed by his son: ii)
Zardušt (who may have apostatised), …followed by his son: iii) Vahramšad,
…followed by his son: iv) Gošnjan,
…followed by his son: v) Manušchihr
(881 A.D.), … followed by his brother: vi) Zadspram,
… followed by Manušchihr's son: vii)
Farnbag Ašavahišta. The
prominent members of the family are first, Adurfanbag, who is credited with this
final collection of most of the scattered texts, including the great Pahlavi
work, Denkard (Denkard III.420; the collection was completed by Adurbad Emedan
in the second half of the 9th century; ibid.). Secondly, the brothers Manušchihr
and Zadspram, especially the former, who has left us "Three Epistles of
Manušchihr" and yet another great Pahlavi work, The Dadistan-i Dinag.
RECITAL
FROM THE BOOK RATHER THAN MEMORY It
seems that, again under the influence of Islam, the use of a written book was
permitted to the clergy for the first time in the history of Zoroastrianism. The
ritual involved only the reading of the
Vendidad, in its entirety, as part of the night celebration of the Yasna,
holding the book in hand. The service was solemnised notably after death in
order to exorcise the power of darkness, and it seems that the Vendidad,
meaning "Law against the demons", was deliberately chosen for this
purpose. This the only occasion when the use of a written text is permitted to
the priests, all parts of every other service must be known by heart. This
significant change seems to have been brought into being to substantiate
Zoroastrians claim to be a "people of book". It also appears that it
was brought about after the diaspora (in the 10th century), as the Parsis were
not aware of this book and it had to be reintroduced to them in the 13th century
by the Iranis. CONCLUSION The
Avesta and the Pahlavi literature, now totally reduced to writing, were
faithfully preserved, for the next 800 years by the two Zoroastrian communities
in Persia and India. The survival of the holy scriptures in their original home,
Iran, during this period, must be considered nothing short of a miracle. It
was not until the middle of the 18th century that the Western European
intellectual curiosity, using alternative evidence to the classical literature,
extended to the study of ancient Iranian culture. The Zoroastrian holy texts,
although still highly controversial, are now preserved forever.
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