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ECONOMY
OF ANCIENT IRAN
ECONOMY
IN PRE-ACHAEMENID IRAN
By: Robert
C. Henrickson
Pre-Median Persia was a crucial economic component of ancient southwest
Asia from the earliest times (Voigt and Dyson; Dyson, 1987; Voigt, 1987;
E. Henrickson, 1989). Throughout its prehistory and early history,
interregional diversity of economic scale and complexity characterized
Persia. Gross topography, climate (q.v.), ecology (q.v.), and natural
resources formed a regionally diverse mosaic of subsistence and economic
potentials, ultimately reflected in cultural regions. The ridges of the
Zagros mountains in western Persia and the central deserts have always
constrained routes for interregional movement both within Persia and to
adjacent regions. East-west routes through the Zagros are particularly
limited; the best route, the "Silk Road" or "Khorasan
Road," runs from Hamadân through Kangâvar and Kermânšâh to Sar-e
Pol-e Zohâb to Baghdad (Levine, 1972, 1973; Great Britain; Goff Meade,
1968; Goff, 1966, 1971; Rabino, 1903). Caravan routes and caravanserais
define the basic pre-modern transportation networks (Kleiss). The Persian
highlands and plateau have provided, directly or by transit trade, many of
the raw materials lacking in the Mesopotamian lowlands (Potts; Herrmann;
Berthoud et al.; Larsen; Carter, 1990).
Archaeological data, from artifacts to architecture to regional
settlement patterns, are the primary source for reconstruction of the
pre-Median economy of Persia (Hole, 1987; Voigt and Dyson, 1992; Dyson,
1987; Voigt, 1987); animal bones, carbonized seeds, and charcoal provide
information on diet and environment (Zeder; Hesse; Wright, Miller, and
Redding, 1980; Meadow; Bökönyi; Gilbert, 1979; Gilbert and Steinfeld;
Miller, 1981a-b, 1982; Woosley; Woosley and Hole; Harris). Similarities
between distributions of archaeological assemblages and ethnographic
tribal regions suggest interpretive socioeconomic paradigms (Goff Meade,
1968; Goff, 1971; Edmonds; Rabino, 1903, 1916, 1920; Minorsky).
Ethnographic research on villages provides further insights toward
interpretation of ancient rural life and economy (Watson; Kramer, 1982;
Horne; Goodell; Ehlers).
Ancient trade is difficult to document fully. Perishable commodities,
such as textiles, have simply disappeared. Some workshops and craft or
production areas have been identified through surface survey or excavation
(Alden, 1979, 1982a-b; Caldwell; Caldwell and Shamirzadi; Miroschedji,
1976; Nicholas; Pigott, 1989c; Salvatori and Vidale). Most commodities
were traded as raw or semi-processed materials rather than finished
products (Carter, 1990; Tosi, 1974a-b). In Mesopotamia imported materials
were worked and finished locally (Moorey, 1985; Carter, 1990; Potts).
Studies of technology and sourcing of materials have yielded insights into
production and trade (Berman, 1987, 1989; Blackman and Henrickson;
Bulgarelli; Buson and Vidale; R. Henrickson, 1986, 1989, 1991; Heskell and
Lamberg-Karlovsky; Kohl, 1975a-b; Majidzadeh, 1979; Shahmirzadi, 1979a-b;
Pigott 1989a; Pigott et al. 1982; Rosenberg 1989; Tallon; Tosi 1974a-b,
1989; Tosi and Piperno 1973, 1975; Vandiver).
Even in the nominally historical periods from the third millennium
B.C.E. onward, most of Persia remained non-literate, except the Elamite
southwest and south, which have yielded contemporary documents (Meriggi;
Stolper, 1976, 1984a-b, 1985; Scheil; Herrero; Yusifov). Contemporary
Mesopotamian epigraphic sources contain limited information on the
adjacent Persian highlands and lowlands (Algaze; Potts; Larsen; Stolper;
Carter, 1990; Grayson 1972, 1976).
Paleolithic-Mesolithic
During the
Paleolithic, small bands hunted and gathered in the highland regions of
Persia (Smith; Rosenberg, 1988). Material culture remains consist
primarily of chipped stone, worked bone, and camp sites. The latest stage,
sometimes called the "Mesolithic" or "Epi-paleolithic,"
saw the first steps toward domestication of animals and plants facilitated
by amelioration of the climate (Hesse; Pullar, 1977, 1990, Bökönyi,
McDonald).
Neolithic
(ca. 10,000-5500 B.C.E).
The Zagros
mountains and piedmont were a primary area where the domestication of
plants and animals and the development of sedentary village life occurred
following the last Ice Age (McDonald; Pullar, 1977, 1990; Voigt, 1983,
1987; Hole et al., 1969; Hole, 1974, 1977). The resulting mixed
agricultural-pastoral Neolithic subsistence economy was the foundation for
all later societal and economic developments, and remains the basis of
southwest Asian life (Zeder; Miller).
Neolithic settlements were small and sparse (Hole, 1987a-b; Levine and
McDonald; McDonald; Pullar, 1977, 1990; Shahmirzadi, 1977). Crafts such as
pottery making, textiles, and basketry were developed (Vandiver; Voigt,
1983; McDonald; Hole et al., 1969). Small-scale long distance trade in raw
materials included obsidian, which traveled from present-day Turkey and
the Caucasus as far as southern Persia (Blackman, 1984 and personal
communication).
Chalcolithic(ca.
5500-3500 B.C.E.)
During the
Chalcolithic era profound socioeconomic, political, and cultural changes
built on the Neolithic foundation. Numbers of villages peaked during the
Middle Chalcolithic, followed by a sharp decrease in the Late Chalcolithic
in most highland and lowland areas (E. Henrickson, 1985, 1991, 1994; Hole
1987a-b; Sumner, 1988; Vanden Berghe, 1987). Settlement hierarchies then
began to develop in many regions, with a few larger villages growing among
more smaller ones (Beale; Prickett; Vitali, Vitali, and Lamberg-Karlovsky;
E. Henrickson 1994). The trend was most pronounced in the southwest
lowlands (Hole, 1987a-b; Wright, 1987; Wright et al.). The construction of
the massive "Haute Terrasse" at Susa (Canal; Steve and Gasche)
and the nearby mortuary structure containing 1000-2000 burials represents
early monumental architecture and the emergence of a regional ceremonial
center. Such small polities probably had a population with some
differentiation in status, power, and perhaps wealth (Pollock, 1989; Hole,
1990).
Settlement patterns suggest widespread use of irrigation (Hole,
1987a-b). Specialized nomadic pastoralism, divorced from settled village
farming, became important in the Zagros highlands in the Late Chalcolithic
(E. Henrickson, 1985; Gilbert, 1983; Zagarell). Painted pottery, most made
in households or by part-time potters, exhibits considerable regional
diversity and includes some very fine wares, such as Middle Chalcolithic
Bakun and Late Chalcolithic Susa A, which may have been made by specialist
potters (Alizadeh; Pollock, 1983; Berman, 1987, 1989). Direct evidence is
available for only a few other crafts, including stoneworking (glyptic;
Amiet, 1972; E. Henrickson, 1988) and metal smelting and working
(Caldwell; Caldwell and Shahmirzadi; Pigott, 1989b; Majidzadeh, 1979;
Shahmirzadi, 1979a-b). Copper and obsidian are among the most obvious
items of long distance trade (Blackman; Hole, 1987b; Pigott, 1989b).
Proto-Elamite
(Susa
II-III = Late Uruk-Jemdet Nasr-Early Dynastic I, ca. 3500-2800 B.C.E.)
During the
Late Uruk period (ca. 3500-3100 B.C.E.), cities in southern Mesopotamia
established a farflung network of settlements and trading centers,
reaching far into the mountains to the north and east (Algaze). The
material culture of Susiana became heavily Mesopotamian (Susa II; Le Brun,
1978a-b; Carter, 1984; Amiet, 1986), and isolated "trading
posts" were established, such as Gowdîn V at Gowdîn Tappa (Weiss
and Young), although direct evidence for the types of commodities traded
is minimal (Carter, 1990; Algaze). Early states emerged in the Susiana
lowlands and southern Mesopotamia (Johnson, 1973; 1987; Wright et al.,
1975, 1980).
At the end of the fourth millennium
B.C.E. and extending into the
Bronze Age, a shared cultural complex, the "Proto-Elamite
horizon," linked sites across much of Persia (Dyson and Voigt, 1989;
Amiet, 1986). Proto-Elamite pottery has parallels with Jemdet Nasr and
Early Dynastic I in Mesopotamia (ca. 3100-2800 B.C.E.; Carter, 1984; Voigt
and Dyson, 1992). The Proto-Elamite (Susa III) period, and prior Late Uruk
(Susa II) of lowland Mesopotamia, marked the development of long distance
trade networks, the first cities and states, and writing (Le Brun and
Vallat; Alden, 1987). Although a small center (ca. 11 ha.) at this time,
Susa seems to have had contact or influence across the plateau (Dyson and
Voigt; Dyson, 1987), reaching northeast to Tappa Hesâr (Tepe Hissar) in Dâmghân
(Dyson and Howard; Dyson, 1987) and Tappa Sîalk in Kâšân (Ghirshman),
east to Šahr-e Sûkhta in Sîstân (Tosi, 1983; Tucci), and south to
Banesh period Tappa Malîân in Fârs (Sumner, 1986; Nicholas; Alden,
1979, 1982a-b, 1987), Tappa Yahyâ IVC in Kermân (Lamberg-Karlovsky 1970;
Lamberg-Karlovsky and Tosi), and even the Mosul area of northern Iraq (Bachelot).
Evidence for this long-distance cultural and economic network includes
Proto-Elamite tablets, cylinder seals, seal-impressed artifacts and
sealings, and distinctive pottery types (Meriggi; Stolper, 1976, 1985;
Dyson, 1987; Dyson and Voigt). The development of writing can be traced at
Susa (Le Brun and Vallat).
A wide range of types of regional socioeconomic organization are known.
In northern Susiana, Tappa Farrokhâbâd was a small settlement (Wright,
1981). In Fârs, Banesh period Malîân was a city with a wall enclosing
150 ha, much of it open space, but the surrounding regional settlement
shifted from sedentary village farming to an emphasis on pastoral nomadism
(Sumner, 1985, 1986); several small settlements mass-produced specific
types of ceramic vessels for regional distribution (Alden, 1982b). In Kermân,
Yahyâ IVC was an isolated small town (Vitali, Vitali and
Lamberg-Karlovsky). Central and northern Zagros settlement consisted
primarily of villages (Goff, 1971; E. Henrickson, 1994).
Bronze
Age
(Susa
IV = Early Dynastic II-Old Babylonian, ca. 3000-1350 B.C.E.)
Socioeconomic
and political organization was highly variable across Persia, with a
pronounced division between the east and west. Local centers, some large
and urban with socioeconomically differentiated populations, were
prominent in the north (Tureng Tepe [Deshayes, 1977] and Tappa Hesâr
[Dyson and Howard; Schmidt]), east (Šahr-e Sûkhta; Tosi, 1976; Tosi and
Piperno, 1975; Tucci), south (Kaftarî period Malîân; Sumner, 1989), and
southwest (Susa; Steve and Gasche; Steve, Gasche, and Meyer; Carter 1971,
1980, 1984; Carter and Stolper). As one of the capitals of Elam, Susa was
a large city; second millennium texts from Susa, mostly private legal
documents, provide detailed data on land tenure and agriculture (Scheil;
Meyer; Stolper, 1984a).
Small interrelated polities characterized highland western Persia
(Carter, 1984, 1987; Schacht, 1987; Haerinck, 1987; R. Henrickson, 1984).
In the larger inner Zagros valleys, settlement systems consisted of
relatively large sites, such as Gowdîn Tappa (Godin Tepe) at about 15 ha,
in the center of larger valleys surrounded by villages (Goff, 1971). In
contrast, the smaller and drier outer Zagros valleys and piedmont of
Lurestan had a strongly nomadic pastoral economy, with a paucity of
settlements and isolated cemeteries apparently not associated with nearby
settlements (Carter, 1987; Goff, 1971).
"Industrial" areas within large settlements, or entire small
settlements, were devoted to specialized crafts: copper smelting and/or
"bronze" artifact production (Šahr-e Sûkhta, Tappa Hesâr;
Tosi, 1976; Tosi and Piperno, 1975; Gowdîn IV [Godin Project archives]);
pottery making (Šahr-e Sûkhta [Buson and Vidale], Tappa Hesâr [Tosi,
1989]), and lapis lazuli and other semiprecious stone bead production (Tappa
Hesâr [Bulgarelli; Tosi, 1989; Rosenberg, 1989]; Šahr-e Sûkhta [Tosi
and Piperno, 1973]; Šahdâd [Salvatori and Vidale]); stone vessels (Šahr-e
Sûkhta; Ciarla); bitumen and bitumen vessels (Kantor; Marschner and
Wright); and carved chlorite vessels (Tappa Yahyâ; Kohl, 1975a-b;
Lamberg-Karlovsky, 1988). Chlorite vessels carved in the
"Intercultural Style" were traded to lowland Mesopotamia (Kohl,
1978; Miroschedji, 1973). Copper came from Magan and later Dilmun through
the Persian Gulf (Tallon). Tin reached Mesopotamia through Susa and
probably also through some route(s) through the central or northern Zagros
to Assur (Larsen; Cleziou and Berthoud; Tallon). The Habur ware assemblage
at Dînkhâ Tappa (q.v.; Hasanlû VI) in northwestern Persia reflects
strong contact with northern Mesopotamia in the early second millennium
(Hamlin). The increasing sophisticated craft techniques of specialist
artisans whose work areas have not been found can sometimes be
reconstructed from the artifacts they produced (R. Henrickson, 1986, 1991,
1992; Blackman and Henrickson; Buson and Vidale; Piperno).
Iron
Age I-II (ca. 1350-800 B.C.E.)
The transition
from late Bronze Age to early Iron Age in the later second millennium
B.C.E. remains obscure, particularly in western Persia, in an era of
economic decline and major cultural discontinuities accompanied by
probable ethnic movements (Young, 1965, 1985; Dyson 1965, 1973; Levine,
1987). Elam remained a major power (Stolper, 1984a-b; Carter, 1984). Few
pre-Median Iron Age sites have been excavated in western Persia; Zagros
highland settlement tended to consist of scattered citadels and villages
(e.g., Hasanlû IVB [Dyson and Voigt; Dyson, 1989; Dyson and Muscarella],
Bâbâ Jân III [Goff, 1977, 1978; Goff Meade]). Sedentary population
apparently declined. Much data comes from cemeteries (e.g., Dînkhâ Tappa
[Muscarella, 1974], Mârlîk [Neghaban, 1964, 1977, 1983], Luristan [Vanden
Berghe, 1979; Vanden Berghe and Haerinck, 1981, 1987]). Highland western
Persia became the target of repeated Assyrian campaigns; lists of booty
and tribute hint at possible Iranian products and resources (Grayson,
1972, 1976). Hasanlû IVB, destroyed about 800 B.C.E., provides evidence
of artistic contacts with northern Mesopotamia (Winter, 1977, 1980, 1989;
Schauensee, 1988; Marcus, 1988, 1989; Muscarella, 1974, 1980, 1989).
Lurestan, particularly the outer western portion, again seems to have
supported predominantly nomadic pastoralists. Early in the first
millennium B.C.E., the distinctive Luristan bronze tradition emerges
(Curtis; Muscarella, 1989). Ironically, ironworking does not become common
until well into the Iron Age (Iron II, ca. 1000-800 B.C.E.; Pigott, 1977,
1980, 1989c).
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